Public Meeting Against War on Citizens

Date: 13th November 2009
Venue: Vivekananda Statue, Arts Faculty, North Campus, Delhi University
Time: 12.00 pm onward

Tens of thousands soldiers of paramilitary and special police forces are directed towards central and eatern parts of India, including Chattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkand, areas of Maharastra and Western Bengal. Previously too, the state has deployed armed forces against civilians and within civilian areas with disastrous consequences. Kashmir and North-Eastern states have been facing this onslaught for decades now.

The Campaign against War on People is organizing a Public Meeting on Friday 13th November on this issue. The meeting will address the current state offensive against citizens in Eastern and Central India, and the larger issue of the use of armed forces in civilian areas.

We invite all organisations and individuals who are concerned about the use of armed forces in civilian areas to attend and participate in this Meeting.

Speakers:
Madan Kashyap, Journalist
Prashant Bhushan, Civil liberties lawyer
Saroj Giri, Department of Political Science, University of Delhi
Gautam Navlakha, Civil liberties activist
Harish Dhawan, PUDR
Poonam, Pragatisheel Mahila Sangathan
Representative of Peoples organisations form North Eastern states
Representative of New Socialist Initiative,
Representative of Progressive Students’ Union,
Dr. N. Bhattacharya, Jan Hastakshep
Representative of JNU Forum Against War on People
Abhinav, Disha
Sandeep Singh, AISA
Banjyotsna, DSU

Campaign Against War on People
Contact: opposethehunters@gmail.com, stopwaroncitizens@gmail.com
Ph: 9899523722, 9910455993, 9718259201, 9818728298

Nov 3 Protest Video (II): SAR Geelani

Nov 3 Protest Video (I): Gautam Navlakha

How a hotel burnt its fingers

C. Gopinath

In an advertisement on its pages, the US business daily, The Wall Street Journal, proudly proclaimed ‘Hyatt has great news’. The paper was pleased to announce that copies of the paper would henceforth be available for our reading pleasure if we stayed at a Hyatt hotel.

Unfortunately, at about the same time last month, the news about Hyatt was anything but great. The international hotel chain was being accused of treating its cleaning staff unfairly, and the company was doing a poor job defending its actions.

ADDING TO JOBLESSNESS

It all began as a simple decision to outsource. The company decided that, as of end August, it would lay off about 100 of its housekeeping staff from three of its hotels in Boston and give the cleaning contract to a firm in Atlanta, called Hospitality Staffing Solutions. The objective, of course, was to cut costs. Hyatt’s corporate revenues had fallen by about 18 per cent during the first half of the year. Its Boston hotels had also experienced revenue shortfalls, with the recession forcing people to cut back on their travel. So the company, faced with “these unprecedented economic challenges” (in the words of its manager), took the efficient managerial decision of handing over the cleaning contract to an outside firm and laying off its employees.

Early September, the news started leaking out. It turns out that the employees who had been laid off were paid about $15 (Rs 705) an hour while the cleaning contractor’s employees were going to be paid $8 (Rs 376) an hour. That made sense, right? Cutting cleaning costs by almost 50 per cent!

But when you put paper and pencil together, knowing that an employee is expected to clean about 20 rooms in an eight-hour work day, you would quickly figure that Hyatt was looking to save about $3 (Rs 141) per day in cleaning costs for a room that it probably charges its guest about $175 (Rs 8,225) to sleep in. Well, any saving is a saving in these hard times, you would say.

But these were fairly low-level staff, some of whom had been working at the hotel for close to 20 years. At a time when the nation’s unemployment was touching 10 per cent it was not going to be easy for them to find another job. But that wasn’t all. The local paper also reported that these employees had been asked to train some other persons to do their job and were told that those being trained would fill in during vacations. Only later did they realise that they were training their replacement.

SYMPATHY FOR EMPLOYEES

That seemed to touch a raw nerve and the local reaction was swift and bitter. The Governor of the state said he planned to direct state employees to boycott the hotel unless it took the employees back.

A couple of professional groups which were planning to host seminars or conferences at the hotel cancelled plans. Although the laid-off employees were not members of a union, a local union that normally represents hotel workers announced that it would rally in their support and picketed the properties.

The hotel chain was clearly caught off-guard. It first announced that it would help the dismissed workers find other jobs, retrain them if necessary, and extended their health care for three months.

It vehemently denied that the training of the replacements was done secretly. But you must wonder about a company’s well-paid human resources personnel who would think of a scheme as this. Meanwhile, the public indignation spread and even the city taxi union announced a boycott and refused to service the chain’s locations.

Something else started happening. The company announced that the laid-off employees would be offered work with another Hyatt contractor, a Chicago-based firm called United Service Cos. And they will be paid the wage they received at Hyatt till the end of the year.

The contractor was confident that the employees would almost surely be able to find some other job after that. (In other words, quieten down and everything would be forgotten in a few months.)

MISJUDGING PUBLIC MOOD

Clearly, Hyatt was completely missing the point. The company believed that if it found work (at least temporarily) for those who had been laid off, everything would be back to normal.

On the other hand, the public reaction to the cleaning staff being replaced by contract labour at lower wages was only the event on which was riding a whole lot that was perceived as wrong with modern management. Any lay-off, and especially due to outsourcing, is a sore subject, especially at a time when unemployment is rising, even while everyone is claiming that recession is over.

A lot of mid-level management personnel, currently laid off and looking for work in corporate America see their work being given to cheaper personnel, within the company or outside, and can empathise with the Hyatt employees. Yet, corporations that are penny-pinching seem to be able to find enough money to continue to pay lavish top-management salaries and bonuses.

Newspapers crow that productivity is at an all-time high — what that essentially means is that fewer people are being used to produce the same or more output.

There must be something fundamentally wrong with a measure that undermines human capital. On top of it all, when Hyatt (allegedly) made those employees train their replacements, it just seemed morally wrong.

To compound its misfortune, Hyatt’s reluctance to meet with the press to present its side of the story, and its tendency to hide behind corporate press releases did not go down well. Even when the company sensed that its response to the situation was less than exemplary, it did not know how to say it.

Look at this: “Contrary to the way our actions have been characterised by many, we did attempt to implement this staffing change in a respectful manner and many of the assertions that have been made are false. We do, however, recognise and regret that we did not handle all parts of the transition in a way that reflects our organisation’s values.”

And the final irony: Business Week, a US business magazine recognised Hyatt as among “the best places to launch a career” about the same time as the layoffs. Of course, the magazine was referring to entry-level workers in the company’s corporate training programme, not entry level housekeepers.

Courtesy: Business Line

US Economy from a Working Class Perspective

Deepankar Basu

Rising continuously for the last 30 months, the official unemployment rate in the US economy crossed over to double-digit territory in October 2009. According to figures released recently by the US Bureau of Labour Statistics, the official unemployment rate in the US was 10.2 percent in October 2009; this is the first time in 26 years that the official unemployment rate has crossed 10 percent in the US. But the official measure is a gross underestimation of the reality of joblessness in the US. A more sensible measure, which takes into account the “discouraged” and part-time workers, stood at 17.5 percent!

The November 6, 2009 Fact Sheet from the Economic Policy Institute, a progressive think tank in the US provides more interesting facts about the US economy, especially relevant for working-class people; below I provide some of the entries from the above fact sheet as a summary of important facts about several neglected dimensions of the US economy:

Historical context
• Current unemployment rate (October 2009): 10.2%
• Current underemployment rate, including people who have been unable to find full-time work and are working either
part time or not at all: 17.5%
• Number of consecutive months of job loss during this recession: 22
• Last time the United States saw 10.2% unemployment: April 1983
• Number of months double-digit unemployment lasted during the 1980s recession: 10
• Peak rate of unemployment during the recession in 2001: 5.5%
• Number of months that passed after the 2001 recession had officially ended before unemployment peaked, at 6.3%: 19

Current recession
• Ratio of job seekers to job openings when the current recession began: 1.7 to 1
• Ratio of job seekers to job openings today: 6.3 to 1
• Total number of jobs lost during the current recession: 8.1 million
• Number of people who have been unemployed for more than six months: 5.6 million
• Jobs needed to return to pre-recession employment levels when population growth is factored in: 10.9 million

Demographic data
• Current unemployment rate for black workers: 15.7%
• Current unemployment rate for Hispanic workers: 13.1%
• Current unemployment rate for white workers: 9.5%
• Current unemployment rate for men: 11.4%
• Current unemployment rate for women: 8.8%
• State with the highest unemployment: Michigan, 15.3%
• State with the lowest unemployment: North Dakota, 4.2%
• State showing the largest portion of job loss during this recession: Arizona, 10%
• Unemployment rate among black workers in Michigan: 23.9%
• Unemployment rate among white workers in Michigan: 13.7%
• Unemployment rate for college-educated workers: 4.7%
• Unemployment rate for workers who did not complete high school: 15.5%

Related economic data
• Number of Americans with no health insurance in 2008: 46.3 million
• Number of Americans projected to have no health insurance by 2010: more than 50 million
• Percent of U.S. population living in poverty in 2008: 13.2%
• Percent of U.S. children living in poverty in 2008: 19%
• Percent of African American children living in poverty in 2008: 34.7%
• Portion of African American children expected to be living in poverty in the coming years, as a result of higher unemployment: more than half

Campaign against War on People

The Indian government intends to deploy 100,000 troops – ostensibly against Maoist insurgents – in 7 states in central and eastern India, including Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh, a vast area inhabited by tribal groups. Forces withdrawn from Jammu and Kashmir (e.g. Rashtriya Rifles) and the Northeast are joining battalions of CRPF commandos, the ITBP, the CoBRA and the BSF, equipped with bomb trucks, bomb blankets, bomb baskets, and sophisticated new weaponry. Six IAF Mi-17 helicopters will provide air support to these ground forces, in which the IAF’s own special force, the Garuds, will participate. The actual strength of the intended targets of this massive action – the Maoist cadre – is believed to be no more than 20,000. Besides the dangers of any state offensive against any section of the people, the scale of the offensive suggests that the state is unable to distinguish the millions of tribals in this area from the Maoists, and has chosen the quick solution of war on the entire region. Several groups which are not Maoist – like the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram in Dantewada – have been clubbed with them and are being targeted. The basic question is, why is the state planning war against its most deprived, oppressed and impoverished populations?

Central India is rich in mineral wealth that is already being auctioned: Till September 2009, Rs 6,69,388 crore of investment had been pledged toward industry in the troubled areas—14 per cent of the total pledged investments in the country. All that stands between politicians/ big money bags and this wealth is the tribal people and their refusal to consent to their designs. Even constituent bodies of Indian state machinery acknowledge the gross failure of state in the tribal areas of the country in no uncertain terms. The Planning Commission Report on Social Discontent and Extremism, has clearly identified equity and justice issues relating to land, forced displacement and evictions, extreme poverty and social oppression, livelihood, malgovernance and police brutality as widespread in the region. The Approach Paper for the 11th Plan states:

Our practices regarding rehabilitation of those displaced from their land because of development projects are seriously deficient and are responsible for a growing perception of exclusion and marginalisation. The costs of displacement borne by our tribal population have been unduly high, and compensation has been tardy and inadequate, leading to serious unrest in many tribal regions. This discontent is likely to grow exponentially if the benefits from enforced land acquisition are seen accruing to private interests, or even to the state, at the cost of those displaced.

The Fifth Schedule of the Constitution grants tribals complete rights over their traditional land and forests and prohibits private companies from mining on their land. In spite of all this, in the name of fighting the Maoists the state – in blatant violation of Constitutional rights and against the recommendations of its own committees – is all set to evacuate the entire area of the tribals and ghettoise them by forcing them into ‘relief camps’, to allow free rein to big business. Instead of addressing the basic rights and needs of the tribals, the impatience of the state/big business in the face of the stiff resistance from them, is leading it to a full-scale war on people who are already fighting an everyday battle for livelihood and survival.

In the past as well the state has tried to crush all popular resistance, armed or not. It has repeatedly ignored and/or suppressed non-violent resistance, be it in Bhopal gas-victims or the ‘Narmada Bachao’ Andolan. Various human rights activists who have spoken out against its policies have also been targeted through draconian instruments like the Chhatisgarh Special Public Safety Act, 2005. It has also brutally assaulted protesters in Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh and Khammam and conducted military offensives in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh that have been seriously questioned. Now, along with an increasingly uncritical, elitist and complicit media, it is set on drumming up war hysteria to legitimise its own extra-Constitutional programs. The fact that it has either rejected or dismissed offers of talks and mediations – while hypocritically calling for them – indicates the extent to which it is invested in this war. The Central Government’s military offensive further dilutes the federal character of Indian democracy as it covertly shifts the maintenance of law and order off the state onto the centre list.

This war on the people also entails a further shrinking of already limited spaces for democratic dissent and articulation of pro people development paradigms. It opens the way for the state to act with force against any form of dissent or struggle. Any individual or organization protesting against the policies of the state can be labelled as a threat to ‘internal security’. To understand the politics and economics of the current state offensive, we urge people to look beyond the current hype being built by the government and pliable sections of the media. This indicates the emergence of a dangerous consensus towards a police state that will render the people and resources pliable to the demands of global capitalism and authoritarianism.

We call upon all progressive forces – students, teachers and workers – to resist the latest plan of the Indian government. Stop state violence against people.

Join our demand for a peaceful, egalitarian and secular society.

Contact:opposethehunters@gmail.com, stopwaroncitizens@gmail.com
Ph: 9899523722, 9910455993, 9718259201, 9818728298

Michael Lebowitz: “It’s necessary to arm the people and develop militias from below”

On the question of the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela, Michael Lebowitz is one of the thinkers who has penetrated deepest into our process. He plunges his scrutinizing gaze, into its most diverse and conflicting issues, in order to then, calmly and forcefully reveal its truth with knifelike clarity. He talks like a peasant or a worker who dips into the reality that they experience, that they suffer and feel.

At the Centro Internacional Miranda, I had a chance to converse with Lebowitz, a professor from the Simon Fraser University in British Columbia (Canada).

Lebowitz is the author of outstanding books such as “Socialism does not fall from the sky” (much discussed by President Chávez) and “Build it now: Socialism for the 21st Century”. I do not hesitate to declare that Lebowitz is an essential light for us in the Bolivarian revolutionary process. Many problems and many concerns were raised in this interview and he responded to them with simple and accurate clarity. Here I present the first part.José Sant Roz – Aporrea

Sant Roz: We are concerned with the issue of socialism, but there is sometimes a big difference between what is said and what is done in reality.

Michael Lebowitz (ML): This is always going to be true. But the first thing we need to do is to create a vision and for this you need the words. There is an old saying that if you do not know where you want to go, any road will take you there, but no, this is not true; rather, if you do not know where you want to go, no road will take you there. And I think that in Venezuela, with the development of the concept of socialism for the 21st century, we know where we want to go. We don’t want to move towards a society in which the State directs everything. It should be a society where people develop themselves through their practice, through their protagonism.

This vision is clear and it is a vision that is very different from the experiences of socialism in the twentieth century. That is the first step, a very important step, but now we come to the crucial step: Understanding how this should be done in practice and how can we establish the institutions that allow people to develop. This is being developed now through the communal councils, workers councils, where people participate in making the decisions that affect them. The problem, though, is that it’s not so easy to do that when there are people who want to do everything for others from above. They say: we are going to create communal councils everywhere, communes everywhere. And if the people are not ready to develop their communal councils, they say we’ll do them ourselves.

Part of the problem is impatience that does not respect the process and the time that must elapse for people to develop themselves. Furthermore, there are people who are totally opposed to the idea that the people themselves make their own decisions. The clearest case can be seen with worker’s participation. There are people who believe that workers are unable, that they are not prepared, and that they don’t have the knowledge to make decisions affecting their work process. The result of this attitude that workers are not capable is reflected in the fact that electricity outages are occurring throughout all of Venezuela. The workers know what the problems are, but they have not been allowed to implement the solutions, to take the necessary steps to prevent such outages. Vision is important but it is not enough; it is not sufficient— struggle is always necessary.

ST: When you say that there are people who oppose this process are you also referring to people within Chavismo?

ML: Yes, of course, within chavismo. That’s why, for example, there is no worker’s participation at PDVSA.

ST: Simón Bolívar founded Gran Colombia on 17 December 1819, and died on 17 December 1830, and then this tremendous work he created with his great strength and will disappeared. What if Chavez were to disappear today?

ML: I think it would be a great loss, not only for Venezuela but for the whole world, because under the leadership of Chavez the hope that was lost has been restored, the hope that there is an alternative to neoliberalism. If such a thing occurred at this time it would be more than a loss, it would be a tragedy, because I think the process is not sufficiently developed that it could continue with leadership from below. Perhaps by 2020 there would be a possibility that the process could continue without Chavez. But right now NO.

ST: What can be done to ensure that there are substitutes that can take over the struggle from Chavez without much trauma?

ML: There are people working very close to Chavez, in his circle, who have Chavez’s ideas, his vision, his consciousness, but they lack the charisma of the President to lead. At the same time there are others that are much better known, but I’m not sure they share the project that President Chavez is leading. And today I am speaking very carefully, sometimes I say this very strongly and openly.

ST: With the oil situation, which remains our major export product, and in the face of the new global drama of high food prices, we find ourselves with a situation of abandonment in the countryside: how in a short period of time, could we structure a form of economy different from that of mono-production imposed on us by capitalism?

ML: Oil is not a problem but a blessing. There are many countries in the same situation where agriculture has been abandoned or has been more or less marginalized by transnational corporations. The existence of oil resources allows the Venezuelan State to take a part of this revenue to build infrastructure and create conditions in the countryside so that people feel they want to return to work in the countryside and see that it is possible to have a good life. With the food crisis it is absolutely essential to encourage people to go to live in the countryside. With oil revenues these conditions can be created. Compare this situation with the situation in Cuba where they also have problems with agricultural production, and where people are leaving the countryside, and they do not have the oil revenue to attract people back to the countryside. What appears to be happening in Cuba is that they are saying we will allow private property in agriculture [and thus attract people] and some people will make lots of money producing and selling food at great profit.

In Venezuela it is possible to use part of the oil wealth to create units of agricultural production in the countryside and to attract people, not through high incomes for producers but based on the quality of life that these people can enjoy living in the country. Agriculture has been an area where all attempts to build socialism have failed. The Soviet Union ignored agriculture and in some rural areas it was impossible to walk or drive on the roads. People had to bring products to market by air. China said that they would not follow the Soviet path, and would develop agriculture, but they didn’t. They were still extracting resources from the countryside for industry. So instead of what happened in other places where agriculture served industry, here in Venezuela, you can do the opposite: make oil serve agriculture.

ST: If the countryside is abandoned, it will require a long time to train people who want to do the jobs required by agriculture. People have changed a lot in the cities and it would be very difficult to convince them to be “peasant” farmers.

ML: Yes, it will take time. This is not going to happen overnight. But I think that President Chavez understands this problem. It is no coincidence that there are so many “Hello President” shows in rural cooperatives, in the new socialist farms. I think it’s a way of saying to people who are living in the hills and barrios and who are spending a lot of time trying to get to work, to say, look, it’s time for a change. There is much more you can do. In Brazil the MST [Movement of Landless Workers] has many young people, and when the MST occupies land, they gain land for these families to begin a new life. In Brazil the stereotype that all farmers are old is not true. Perhaps what is needed is to launch a campaign aimed at young people to facilitate this process of repopulation of the countryside.

ST: In view of the international situation: we are very threatened; how should we prepare ourselves to face a more critical situation in northern South America?

ML: I just finished a book that addresses an issue which is the problem of the old state that progressives have appropriated, and not necessarily by force. In the long run, socialism requires that the old state is replaced by the new, the state from below. The immediate situation requires, though, that the two states complement each other. The new state from below that helps people develop can not initially have a global vision. The old state, though, is in the habit of giving orders from above. What is essential is to develop the interaction between the two states and for a time you have to walk on two legs; and the same is true when it comes to preparing for a crisis of military intervention. That implies having a traditional army that can protect people, but we should also arm the people and develop the militias from below.

Translators Note – this is a slightly abridged translation of the first part of a three part interview with Michael Lebowitz carried out in late September.

Translated by Kiraz Janicke for Venezuelanalysis.com

Automobile unrest in Gurgaon

Gurgaon Workers News

Three main disputes about recognition of unions (Auto Rico and Sunbeam) and a three-year wage agreement (Honda HMSI) expressed some of the unrest in Gurgaon, India’s main automobile cluster. The disputes lasted for more than a month between mid-September and end of October 2009. After a Rico worker was killed the CP affiliated AITUC union called for one-day-strike – allegedly 80,000 to 100,000 car workers did not work on 20th of October 2009. Last but not least, the dispute at Rico caused factory closures at GM and Ford in the US due to lack of parts.

The main political significance is the international character and set-up of the unrest in Gurgaon. Workers in India in a dispute for higher wages cause car plants in the US to come to a standstill. The workers at Ford and GM are currently under pressure to agree on wage cuts in return for dubious job guarantees. Their union UAW has already signed a deal, but the workers are unsure if to confirm it. In this moment a combative signal from the ‘low-wage-end’ of the global supply chain might help to reassure the US workers in their collectivity. That they cannot rely on their representatives in order to form a global proletarian alliance is demonstrated by the way in which the Rico dispute in India is presented by the UAW. “We are experiencing the effects of outsourced suppliers, and we hope they would be able to resume production as quickly as possible so we can in turn resume production”. Brian Fredline, president of the United Auto Union Local 602, representing 2,700 workers at General Motors plant in Delta Township, Michigan who were sent home due to lack of parts manufactured by Rico. We try to provide a short glimpse at the international context of the automobile industry in the part ‘What crisis?’ – see below.

We cannot say much about the internal dynamics of these disputes. There have been various conflicts at automobile companies in the last years – see summary below. In most cases a wider unrest amongst permanent and temp workers had simmered long before the official dispute started. The urge to establish a union or long-term wage agreements often resulted in: firstly, dividing the work force (mainly permanent workers, who represent only 20 per cent of the work-force, are attached to the union and long-term contract sphere); and secondly, to channel the conflict into open, legal and therefore controllable paths. There is also a long regional tradition of industrial disputes during which lock-outs / strikes are used to re-structure the work-force – given the current global ups and downs of the car industry this aspect of ‘engineered conflicts’ has to be taken into account when analysing the Rico dispute.

Two noteworthy details about the outcome of the current strikes: a public debate in the main stream media about the unstable situation due to such a large share of temp workers employed; and a rather empty threat of Honda HMSI management to shut-down the plant in Gurgaon and re-open it somewhere else if the political class should not be able to guarantee industrial peace in the region. The first point hints at a true core of unrest – at the same time the current disputes can be seen as a proof that the division in permanent (unionised) and temporary workers still works well. The second point is an arbitrary one. In summer 2005 Honda management issued a similar threat and the political class reacted by organising a police massacre on several hundred workers. In itself it is an empty threat to re-locate the factory from a global low-wage region like Gurgaon given that Honda HMSI relies on a huge web of suppliers and a scattered but regionally concentrated workforce. Such concentration of proletarians will always re-create the conditions of unrest. In Gurgaon four major assembly plants, churning out two thirds of India’s passenger cars and two-wheelers depend on more or less the same suppliers.

These contradictory tendencies – a work-force divided into permanents and temps on one side, but an intertwined supply net connecting work-shops with modern assembly plants on the other – is reflected in the statements of managers from various companies about the impact of the local general strike on 20th of October 2009. According to the media 80,000 to 100,000 were on strike: “Except for the two factories (RICO and Sunbeam which supplies to the Hero group) where there was a problem, I don’t think any other factory was closed. About 4,000 to 5,000 workers from various factories joined in the prayer meeting to show their sympathy for those who died,” says Surinder Kapur, chairman of the Sona group, which has many factories based in the belt. But factory managements admitted production was disrupted. “The assembly lines are not working,” a senior Honda Motorcycle and Scooter India (HMSI) official said to agencies. Others say that if the agitation is not resolved, the impact could be huge. “These are major component manufacturers, and we do not carry very much inventory,” says Chairman of Maruti Suzuki, which was not, however, impacted by the strike because of the high percentage of contract workers – some estimates put it at 80 per cent of the labour force – in the area. Many of them lost income during the dispute.”

For the current political background of the situation in Gurgaon it has to be said that in Haryana state elections took place in September / October period. Unions are closely linked to political parties and most of the company and contractor hierarchy is intertwined with the political class. Some of the dynamics of the dispute have to be understood as power plays between various political/representative factions.

We lack proper insight voices of workers who took part in or observed the unrest. In that regard the report published by CEC is probably the most accurate one.

In the following we first want lay-out a chronology of the current dispute, then summarise the dispute at Rico, Sunbeam and Honda HMSI in more detail and finally we give a short over-view on recent car workers’ conflicts in Gurgaon area.

Chronology of Unrest

4th of August 2009
Rico workers’ representatives start negotiating with management, seeking an annual salary increase of 10,000 Rs plus freedom to form a union with AITUC. The management is not heeding their demand saying the workers have had pay hikes and the unit is continuously seeing low productivity. The union submitted their application to the labour department, Chandigarh, for its formal recognition.

9th of September 2009
Rico Employees Union calls for an open meeting of its members at Kamala Nehru Park, Gurgaon. 3,000 workers attend.

20th of September 2009
Another Rico union meeting in Kamala Nehru Park.

21st of September 2009
Rico Auto Industries Ltd. declares a lockout. Security Guards, police and goons stop workers from entering the factory by force. Previously 16 workers were suspended for indiscipline.

22nd of September 2009
Sunbeam Ltd. locks out workers after dispute over union elections. Company goons or truck drivers attack them at night, workers have to flee, some get injured. Ten workers are submitted to hospitals. Other sources say that workers were attacked by 300 police.

23rd of September 2009
Union solidarity rally in Gurgaon for attacked Sunbeam workers. Some other component makers, including Hema Engineering, AG International, Microtek and even Sona Koyo Steering Systems, Endurance are said to be in current legal disputes between management and unions.

25th of September 2009
Around 15,000 workers gather in Kamala Nehru Park in Gurgaon during union rally. A memorandum is admitted to the DC Anurag Aggarwal, demanding his immediate intervention on the issues at 14 automobile factories in Gurgaon.

1st of October 2009
Police detains Gurudas Dasgupta, the general secretary of All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the AITUC national secretary DL Sachdeva when coming to Gurgaon to address Rico workers. Union mobilise workers for protest march in response to arrests. Workers sit down at Rajiv Chowk, blocking the traffic for nearly three hours. Haryana Labour Court declares Rico strike illegal.

2nd of October 2009
Maruti Suzuki announces that production in Gurgaon plant is “marginally hurt” by the strike at Rico and Sunbeam. Unrest also has affected TI Metals, Microtech, FCC Rico and Satyam Auto.

4th of October 2009
Police arrives in buses at Rico and Sunbeam workers rally ground, pick up the workers, drive away, and drop them around 12 kilometres away. Tents and utensils are taken away by the police. Twenty-six Rico workers are arrested.

9th of October 2009
Honda HMSI publicly threatens to re-locate production to other country or region not being able to open third assembly line due to dispute with Honda union over wage revision. 17 workers have been suspended at HMSI

18th of October 2009
Ajit Yadav, Rico worker gets killed in clash, several more workers injured. Union officials state that they were attacked by a group armed with iron rods. Police fires shots, workers throw stones. Rico factory gates are blocked by workers in response.

19th of Otober 2009
200 workers sit-down in front of Rico factory in protest. Communist Party of India MP and All-India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) general secretary Gurudas Dasgupta has urged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to intervene in the trouble. He also asked the Haryana government to disband “private armies” engaged by the management bodies in the industrial hub to take on the workers.

20th of October 2009
60,000 to 100,000 workers of 60 to 80 factories in Gurgaon on one day strike called for by AITUC. Workers from Sona Koyo Steering Systems, Hero Honda Motors, Bajaj Motors and Lumax Industries joined Rico workers in a sit-down protest outside Rico and demonstrations in the streets. Workers’ representatives reject a company offer to pay Yadav’s family compensation of 500,000 rupees and provide a job for Yadav’s wife. “It is illegal in all respects. It has also been declared illegal by the labor department,” said Jagdish Nagar, a deputy commissioner of police.

21st of October 2009
Talks between union, management and Haryana labour department.

22nd of October 2009
Rico management agrees to take back two or three suspended workers and announces that management will accept the formation of a union. Honda HMSI has made a “final” wage increase offer as part of a Long Term Settlement.

23rd of October 2009
Rico management states that 900 workers have turned up for shifts and that 2,000 more workers are expected during the next days.

26th of October 2009
Due to lacking transmission parts supplied by Rico in India Ford has to shut-down production in Oakville plant in Canada for a week, losing several thousand vehicles, sending home about 3,000 workers employed in the plant. The shutdown comes during conflict regarding contract changes to lower Ford’s Canadian labour costs.

27th of October 2009
Honda HMSI and union find three year agreement including productivity related bonus payments. Management hopes that third line will take up work. At Rico the lock-out continues.

28th of October 2009
AITUC calls for Gurgaon wide strike in solidarity with Rico workers. GM in the US announces that two plants (Delta Township and Warren, Michigan) are affected by lack of parts from Rico. Production at Delta Township plant is supposed to be resumed on 9th of November 2009 – 2,700 workers are sent home.

Summary of Unrest

We focus on the three main companies involved: Rico, Sunbeam and Honda HMSI – all situated in Gurgaon. In order to understand the wider background of the situation at Honda HMSI we suggest to re-read the text in GurgaonWorkersNews no.7. For a general summary of the company situation at Rico and Sunbeam we rely on information of CEC.

Dispute at Rico

CEC: “Rico Auto Limited started its Gurgaon branch in 1994. It is one of the largest ferrous and aluminium foundries supplying die-cast components to the automobile sector. The company makes auto parts for brands like Hero Honda, Honda, Suzuki, Bajaj, Maruti Suzuki, Ford, General Motors, Nissan, Volvo, Jaguar, Tata and Land Rover. In the case of Ford US Rico ships the brackets to a Ford transmission plant in Detroit, Michigan, from where they are sent to assembly plants across the region. In the disputed plant in Gurgaon Rico has 3,600 permanent workers and around 1,500 casual workers. There are 500 workers as management staff. Around 76 workers are women. The salary structure of the employees is very low. Permanent employees with 2-6 years’ experience are paid Rs 4,500 a month, whereas the casual workers with same experience are paid Rs 3,800-Rs 4,000 per month. The permanent workers with 6 to 9 years’ experience get Rs 6,500 monthly, and those with 9-10 years get Rs 8,000-Rs 10,000.”

The conflict involved demands for higher wages etc., but by end of September 2009 the official point of tension was the demand for registration of a trade union affiliated to the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). According to CEC, the workers felt the need for unionization when the company, in the name of economic recession, threw out large numbers of workers without prior information or economic benefits. The situation inside the plant became tense. “The demand for the formation of a union has been sent for verification to the Labour Commissioner and we have no objection against it,” said Mr Surinder S. Chaudhury, Vice-President, Human Resource, Rico. He added that production since September 2009 has dropped 40-50 per cent. Rico reacted by suspending sixteen workers. “We had to suspend them because they were going slow. They had slowed the production line by around 30 per cent for the last 45-60 days,” a company official said in late September 2009. In order to control the situation management was forced to look for a head-on collision. The suspension of sixteen ‘union reps’ was a save means to provoke a reaction and to get the ‘trouble-maker’ out of the plant:

“On 21 September, those workers who came to work faced the wrath of the management and were forced to sit outside the gate of the factory. ‘Around 5,000 employees had to sit outside the company gate, since the company said it was on lockout from 21 September 2009,’ says the Rico employees. The employees came to know about this undeclared lockout only on the same date, when the first batch of around 1,500 workers had gone to work at 6 am. The security guards at the gate did not allow the workers to go inside. When they refused to listen, the police force, along with the security guards and bouncers (the musclemen employed by the company), lathi-charged the workers. ‘Many of us got minor bruises, but major causalities did not happen,’ says Ranjan Pande, a Rico employee. The workers have been in front of the factory gate since September 21, 2009. ‘We are not on dharna (protest assembly); we are sitting here because the management does not allow us to go inside,’ emphasize the workers.” (CEC-report)

There are divergent information about the strike’s / lockout’s impact on the companies’ production. Some state that Rico’s management had been able to mostly maintain production and meet schedules as, out of a total of 3,000 employees, around 1,700 were reporting for work. Rico has been forced to operate two 12-hour shifts against the normal practice of running three shifts of 8 hours each.

Dispute at Sunbeam

CEC: “Sunbeam Auto Ltd is a unit of the Hero Group of Industries, and was established in Gurgaon in 1987. The company has 650 permanent workers, 800 staff members, 600 trainees, and around 2,500 casual workers. The concept of trainees at Sunbeam is worth mentioning, as people with numerous years of experience remain trainees here. One such trainee is Hansraj, who is an operator of the gravity dye casting, and is a trainee for the last ‘eight’ years. According to the workers, there are trainees with even 13 years of experience. Same is the case with the casual workers. Mangaram is a casual worker for the last 12 years, and works for a basic salary of Rs 3,510. The company gives meagre wages to its staff. Subhash Babu’s take-home salary is Rs 9,000 only, in spite of his 23 years of work experience as a quality inspector”.

“The case of Sunbeam Auto Ltd is not much different from that of Rico. The only difference here is: the workers have asked for revival and election of the existing union. Sunbeam has had a registered union – Sunbeam Shramik Union – since 1996. A “management friendly” union. In May 2009 the term period of the current office bearers got over, and the workers demanded an election and a change in the leadership. (…) The tactics of the management consisted of calling workers independently to the concerned department head’s room and making him forcefully sign a letter that was taken on a 10-rupees stamp paper, stating his willingness to acknowledge the current union. The management could collect signatures of around 200-250 workers, since the threat was to terminate them. But when a majority refused to do so, the management prevented the entire workforce from entering the factory premises on September 22, 2009, without any notice. Like Rico, the gates were not opened for them for the 6 am shift. The management version of the incident is different. According to SK Sharma, the DGM of Sunbeam, the company is not on lockout and is functioning with 30 per cent of its workforce. He emphasized that the workers are on an illegal strike.”

Dispute at Honda HMSI

HMSI currently has 1,872 regular workers and another 2,500 on contract. Honda HMSI plant was affected by the disputes at Rico and Sunbeam due to lack of parts – but there was a ‘home-grown’ conflict going on, as well. The Honda workers union and Honda management were in process of negotiating a three years wage agreement. The management accused the union of using a go-slow tactic at the new third production assembly line, involving 40 permanents and 100 casuals, in order to put pressure on the management.
On 10th of October HMSI management announced that production at the plant is down by more than 50 per cent and that the new line for vehicles – the third one since production began – has failed to take off. “This means a production loss of almost 600 two-wheelers per day. Overall, we are equipped to roll out 4,350 vehicles a day but we are doing only a little over 2,000 units because of the workers’ attitude,” an HSMI official said. While no concrete figures are available, it is estimated that the company has suffered a loss of around 250 crore Rs.

Mohan Deepak, VP for Industrial Relations at HMSI, said the average cost-to-company (CTC) for a shop-floor worker is currently around Rs 25,000. According to HSMI management the wage demands of the union will push their CTC higher than shop floor workers at Hero Honda, the current market leaders with stronger business and production figures.

On 27th of October 2009 union and management enter an agreement on 3-years wage contract including “performance reward scheme”.

History of Unrest

It would be an important task to write a historical analysis of the struggles in Delhi’s industrial belt during the last decade in order to understand the current conflict in its context – for many reasons we can only give a superficial summary of some automobile workers’ disputes in Gurgaon of the last three – four years.

Hero Honda temp-workers occupy factory – April 2006
Unnoticed by most lefty groups or unions more than 3,000 temp workers occupied the Hero Honda Gurgaon plant for several days demanding higher wages and better conditions. The company cut water and electricity – the workers sent a delegation for negotiations, which was bought off. Some demands were met by the management. When the factory occupation ended workers at Hero Honda supplier Shivam Autotech occupied their plant raising similar demands.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.4)

Workers at car parts manufacturer Amtek attacked – June 2006
After some workers close to the union were disciplined by shifting them to a different plant of the company they and some more workers joined in a sit-down protest inside the plant. After some disputes with the management they were beaten up by paid goons – other sources said that they were beaten by temp workers of the plant.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.3)

Honda HMSI temp workers go on wildcat strike – September 2006
After temp workers were allegedly not included in a union deal they occupy the canteen of the plant supported by the next arriving shift from the outside. The company reacted by cutting water supply. The company and union asked them to go back to work. Some sources claimed that the strike was instigated by anti-union forces paid by the management.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.7)

Wildcat strike of temps at car parts manufacturer Delphi – January and August 2007
At Delphi 250 permanents (unionised) and 2,500 temp workers were employed. The temp workers went on wildcat strike blockading the main gate in January 2007. The company threatened to close the factory and asked the union to get the temps back to work. In August the temps struck again for few hours, demanding the payment of the increase minimum wage and succeeded.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.6)

Series of wildcat strike at auto suppliers – September 2007
After the Haryana government increased the minimum wage in summer 2007 many companies kept on not paying the wage or making workers work many more hours for it. In several companies workers – most of them with temp contracts – rejected the wage payment and laid down tools spontaneously. In most cases the management promised to pay the minimum wage in future.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.9 and no.10)

Automax casual workers attacked by police – April 2008
Casual workers at car parts manufacturer Automax demanded permanent contracts – the management reacted by suspending ‘leaders’ in order to provoke a reaction. In a strike / lockout situation and subsequent agitations the police attacked the workers with lathis (clubs).
(GugaonWorkersNews no.11)

Wildcat strikes at car parts manufacturer Ilpea Paramounts – April 2008
About 80 casual workers of the company got engaged in a legal dispute in front of the labour department. They tried to put pressure on the company during visits of the labour inspector – the company reacted by threatenening them with goons.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.12)

Wildcat occupation of plant by temp workers at Hero Honda Dharuhera – May 2008
After not having been accepted as members by the permanent workers’ union the temp and casual workers went on wildcat strike and occupied the plant for two days. Management and permanent workers union both promised betterments of the workers’ situation. The temp and casual workers then tried to register their own union – a process which ended in a mass lock-out in October 2008.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.14)

Wildcat sit-in strike of temp workers at Honda HMSI – September 2008
Another wildcat sit-in by precarious workers against manhandling by the management.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.13)

Lock-out and killing of manager at Graziano car parts supplier – September 2008
After a longer dispute about union recognition and various unions involved (AITUC, CITU, HMS) the company suspended workers and finally locked them out. The workers continued their protest demanding their jobs back. In an escalation a manager got killed.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.14)

Lock-out of temp workers at Hero Honda Dharuhera plant – October 2008
After their wildcat strike in May 2008 the temp and casual workers tried to register a union and put forward a general demand notice. The company reacted by locking out all temp and casual workers during big market slump. The company let in the permanent workers and half of the casual and temp work-force. 1,200 workers stayed locked-out, 800 new workers were hired.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.14 and no.19)

Lock-out and police attack on workers at car parts manufacturer Musashi – April 2009
In a dispute about union recognition several leaders were suspended. About 250 workers showed their solidarity and were locked-out in response. During a protest-march the police attacked and arrested many workers.
(GugaonWorkersNews no.18)

Strike / Lock-out at Rico and Sunbeam car parts manufacturer – September 2009
In dispute for higher wages and union recognition about 4,000 workers of two car parts manufacturers went on strike / got locked-out. One worker got killed during a clash, AITUC called for a one-day-general strike.
(GurgaonWorkersNews no.21)

What crisis?

a) In what kind of situation of the Indian automobile industry did Gurgaon strike take place?

The strike in Gurgaon automobile industry happened at a time of proclaimed “recovery” of the Indian car industry. End of October 2009 the two main automobile companies in Gurgaon – and India – announced record figures.

Maruti Suzuki India reported a nearly two-fold jump in its net profit for the period July to September 2009 – compared to the previous year. The company’s domestic sales grew by 21.9 per cent at 209,083 units. Management said exports during July to September 2009 jumped by 109 per cent at 37,105 units as against 17,745 units in the year-ago period. Maruti Suzuki announced significant investment in Gurgaon plant in order to increase capacities by 90,000 cars. In the two plants in Gurgaon and nearby Manesar production capacities are about 1 million cars per year.

Hero Honda which runs two plants in Gurgaon area and is world’s biggest two-wheeler manufacturer is on a similar high. End of October 2009 the company announced that it would smash its annual sales target as it reported a 95 per cent jump in the second quarter profits. Hero Honda management was confident of exceeding its sales target of four million units for the year.

Examples of an exceptional regional boom contrasting the global crisis or just a mild recovery after a record slump?

b) No decoupling: Indian car industry shared the global slump in October 2008 and benefited from the state sponsored scrappage incentive in the EU and deficit spending and low interest rates in India

The Indian car industry experienced a similarly deep slump in the end of 2008. All major car companies sacked their temporary staff, temporarily closed assembly departments or cut working-times – for summary see GurgaonWorkersNews no.16.

During the fiscal year 2008 to 2009 (April 2008 to April 2009), the sales of domestic passenger cars increased by ‘only’ 1.31 per cent to reach 1,219,473 units. In the absence of stimulus packages, the sales of passenger vehicles would have declined 3 per cent or have shown no growth whereas the commercial vehicles sales would have declined 30-40 per cent.

The mild recovery since March 2009 was partly based on lower prices for steel – due to the severe over-production of Chinese and Indian steel manufacturers. The industry also benefited from lower taxes – part of the deficit spending of the Indian state, which tumbles further into debts. Car sales for June 2009 (107,000 units) have increased by 7.8 per cent in the Indian market. The main contributing factor is the reduced interest rates for the auto loans. In July 2009 115,000 units were sold, the mild upward trend continued till September 2009.

More than from internal demand the Indian car industry recovered due to the state sponsored “recovery” of the EU car market – through scrappage incentives and other stimulus programs. Car exports from India – mainly to the EU – jumped by 35.73 per cent from April till September 2009, in concrete numbers 210,088 units as against 154,783 units in the year-ago period. In October 2009 newspapers announced a drop in export growth due to end of government programs in the EU. Total exports grew ‘only’ by 21.6 per cent in September compared to over 30 per cent in the last few months.

The total sales figures of commercial cars like trucks and buses are still down. State infused liquidity might encourage private consumers to take on a credit, but the general industry seems still reluctant to beg on future profits by investing.

c) India’s car industry shares global fate of over-capacities – the internal market is limited

India’s car industry is running into over-capacities – the productive capacities of the two Maruti Suzuki plants alone are at 800,000 to 1 million cars per year. Currently are about a dozen more assembly plants in India – modern assembly plants run profitable at about 300,000 cars, meaning that the total productive capacity in India is somewhere beyond 3 million cars per year. Currently the internal market is about 1.3 million cars – propped up by cheap credits and dependent on US outsourced IT and banking jobs – export figures are at about 350,000 units. Industrial workers in India are nowhere near an income allowing them to buy cars and the waged middle class mainly depends on crisis ridden real estate or IT sectors. The Tata Nano – hailed as India’s Volkswagen and cheapest car in the world – turns out to be produced into a social vacuum. Since production start in July 2009 the monthly production is only 2,500 units. About 150,000 Rs is still way to expensive even for well paid industrial workers – and exactly these better off permanent industrial workers have been under attack since the mid-1980s – see for example GurgaonWorkersNews no.8 on struggle at Maruti Suzuki.

d) In the current phase state credits keep the business running, mergers and struggle over markets are increasing – but they only exacerbate the problems in the future

Unable to solve the actual problem of the industry – the profitability crisis and the crisis of a mode of production – increasing company merger invert the neo-liberal myth of ‘outsourcing’ and profit-centres. In the course of the crisis the big car manufacturers had to bail out the spun-off and formally independent suppliers (e.g. GM had to bail out subsidiary Delphi). Some Indian companies are taking part in those international fusions of capital. Delhi-based car parts manufacturer Amtek was seen as a potential buyer of machinery and plants of bankrupt EU branch of Ford’s main supplier Visteon – on Amtek’s violent repression in Gurgaon factories see GurgaonWorkersNews no.3. Gurgaon based Motherson Sumi bought several bankrupt parts manufacturer in Europe in 2009 – on working conditions at Motherson see GurgaonWorkersNews no.6. In 2008 Tata took a loan of over 3 billion USD for taking over Jaguar and Land Rover. These mergers are only formal reflections of two general tendencies: ‘global cars’ (produced in few plants and exported to countries all over the planet) and a extension of the global supply chain and spread out division of labour (e.g. US factories actually depending on parts produced in the global south).

e) With increasing transport costs the ‘global car’ was put on hold – now it is seen as one way out of the crisis

Particularly the Renault Logan was presented as a truly global car. Manufactured in few factories, amongst others in Romania and India to be delivered to countries around the globe. The Logan production in India is stuck in a jam. India sales crashed by 71 per cent in September 2009 to just over 500 vehicles, while its April to September 2009 numbers are down to less than a third of last year. Renault managers say that “it is more expensive than we hoped it would be in India. The market here is extremely sensitive to the price. Another reason is, we don’t have enough localisation in India”, meaning that too many parts are imported from ‘expensive’ abroad. The concept of an ‘export car’ is still on, e.g. Nissan and GM want to start production of a ‘cheap global car’ in 2010. Indian labour costs are said to be about 10 per cent of that in the U.S. and Europe and raw material costs in the nation are lower by 11 per cent. “The Chennai plant will start exports in the second half of 2010. We will export 110,000 units in 2011 to more than 100 countries especially, Europe (30 countries) and will increase to 180,000 units in the future,” a Nissan manager said in October 2009. India exports more cars than world’s biggest car manufacturer China and exports are growing faster than domestic sales, e.g. Hyundai plans to export 300,000 cars from India in 2009, more than its sales in the Indian local market. But where to, given the general slump in car sales? Newspapers hail the 10 per cent share of Indian manufactured cars in emerging markets like South Africa – but that is 10 per cent of ‘only’ 500,000 annually sold cars. Another trend in order to enter markets is to source cheap car parts from China or other Asian countries. India’s automobile manufacturers increasingly intertwine their production with Chinese car makers, particularly for automobiles produced for exports to Africa and within Asia.

f) We can see an extensions of the global supply chain of car parts emerging out of the last years’ profit squeeze – connecting Indian workers more or less directly to workers in China, South Korea and the EU and the US

During the last years export of car parts from India grew faster than the export of complete cars – parts are exported mainly to the US, EU and Japan. In September 2009 Fiat announced to source 1 billion USD of parts from India in 2010, out of which 300 million USD for export to the EU plants. In September 2009, as well, Hyundai India started exporting crank shafts and connecting rods to Hyundai factories in South Korea. Component exports from India, that touched 3.6 billion USD in 2007-08, are estimated to be near flat in 2008-09. The car parts manufacturer in India are directly linked to the international markets. Amtek Auto – mainly based in Gurgaon – gets as much as 50 per cent of its sales from abroad. In September 2009 an Amtek manager said: “Overseas sales for us was down as much as 30-40 per cent last fiscal year following the slowdown in Europe. While we had done around $650 million in 2007-08, the number came down to around $450 million last fiscal,”. The same is true for Rico Auto Industries that makes components for engines: “Our exports dipped by around 7 per cent last fiscal as US and Europe shrank,” he said. Rico supplies to companies like Ford, GM, Caterpillar, BMW and Cummins.

g) Global division of labour and ‘global cars’ make sense only if low wage regions are kept low waged and if these low wages are imported back into the centres. Workers have to turn this trend around by making use of their global cooperation. The Rico dispute in Gurgaon stopped a Ford plant in Canada, at the same time Ford workers voted against a wage cut deal.

The Rico dispute has shown the global dimension of car production today. It has shown Ford workers in the US and Canada not only that the production in their plants depend on ‘cheap labour’ from the south, but that this ‘cheap labour’ is not up for the race-to-the-bottom: an industrial dispute, amongst others concerning the demand for higher wages, interrupted the global supply chain. At this point of time Ford workers in the US were supposed to vote in favour of wage cuts in order to save their jobs. End of October 2009 Ford workers in Missouri have overwhelmingly rejected a new contract with Ford. Ford and the United Auto Workers union agreed to the changes to help lower Ford’s labour costs, but UAW members must ratify the changes. Kansas City UAW local president Jeff Wright says workers were angry about a cap on entry-level wages, changes in work rules and a no-strike provision. This is not yet an ‘active communication’ between workers around the globe, but a mutual influence and a sabotage of the current re-structuring process of the global car industry. Only by making conscious use of this cooperation the global working class can find a way out of the automobile madness of destructive production.

Learning Truth Telling Beyond Neoliberal Education

Savyasaachi

In an education system the curriculum and modes of its transaction need to determine the design of the infrastructure – the size and shape of classrooms, the looks of the building, the library, the student-faculty-administration interface, the equipment and so on.

What is the nature of curriculum space and what goes into its making?

We are all familiar with the idea that everything is woven around and into the curriculum – everything here includes not merely all aspects of an institution system but also the larger society; the history, culture, economy, politics and so on. It is one of most contested spaces – what should be included has been debated across the table and has also been a source of conflict and violence between the left, liberal and right persuasions in the fields of politics, economy and culture. Each of these has wanted its agenda to be pushed in.

All contestations are for being ‘included’ – that is against a one-sided view of history and society. There is a diversity of voices, the body of knowledge has grown over the past several decades and the objective conditions have changed rapidly and that process continues. How are these to be accommodated in the curriculum and from whose perspective?

The perspective of the student is most important. From this perspective, contestations are concerned with finding ways to learn from a plurality of visions and knowledge-systems. This is about the dynamism of studentship as opposed to the authoritative figure of the ‘teacher’. This is a shift towards opening the question of what is ‘learnable’ and free knowledge from the monopolist control of the ‘authoritative teacher’ (one who has the authority over the text and the body of knowledge that should be transacted in class) and the ideological ally (from any of the three persuasions mentioned above).

The neoliberal economy has monopolised the curriculum space. It is instrumentalising the space for transacting knowledge and skills required by different sectors of the corporate economy.  This has been undermining the ‘dynamism of studentship’ that has been emerging alongside ‘plural knowledge-systems and perspectives’.

The undermining of ‘studentship’ has only contributed to the making of a neoliberal disaster. That, however, is creating the ground for the emergence of an even stronger idea of dynamic studentship with its concern for the ‘learnable’.

The neoliberal disaster

The neoliberal regime is oblivious to the increasing technological lag. That is, it lags far behind the aspirations of the frontier people (the masses) and thereby the requirements for a just society. The masses want jobs and justice, the neo-liberal economy give more unemployment; the masses want health, the neo-liberal economy creates conditions for more health hazards, the masses want quiet time, the neoliberal economy floods their free time with loud blaring music; the masses want the truth about perpetrators of violence and brutality, the neoliberal economy creates conditions for further conflict and violence… the list can be endless.

The neoliberal mindset misses the point that with each new step to boost the economy it increases the speed of the chain reaction. There is an escalation of the rate at which difference lead to conflict, violence, war and terrorism. Under these conditions, an economy cannot function. Massive amount of energy, finance and institutional processes are devoted to unproductive work of containing violence and terrorism. That, needless to say, does nothing but compound those crises. For instance, the production of arms and ammunition adds no value to life; on the contrary it takes away a large chunk of resources from the economy. It contributes nothing to value of food, shelter, education and health.

The neoliberal, paying no heed to all that, erodes all theoretical spaces. In other words, there is no space and time for discussing questions that emerge from the dilemmas of human predicament, questions that seek to examine the assumptions behind our beliefs and practices. Without such theoretical spaces blunders are bound to occur – for instance, the reduction of the problem of terrorism to an issue that can purportedly have technological solutions. There is little time and space to analyse as to how terrorism could quite plausibly be a product of the neoliberal economy with its emphasis on the market. To understand and deal with the problem requires a radical re-examination of the assumptions of neoliberalism. It is not about annihilating ethnic groups that have got arms. It is about the inability to conduct a fundamental investigation into the premises of the system despite facts and public opinion that point to the failure of neoliberalism at levels of economy, society and polity.

It not uncommon to hear in academic seminars, policy meetings and debates that the theoretical is anti-practical and theoretical discussions slow down the completion of projects. There is a tacit agreement that when a discussion gets into a deadlock on account of theory a decision can be taken on the basis of the practical. Often at meetings one hears “too much of democracy is not going to lead anywhere”. In other words, there is no time for discussion. Time constraints are imposed by financial considerations – ‘the work needs to be one within the time-frame for which the money has been sanctioned’.

There is a conflict between financial time and discussion time. In this conflict the discussion time shrinks and this obviously implies a shrinking of theoretical space.

Such conflict and shrinking has filtered down to other fields of social and political life. Debates on policy are short and snappy, what with political activists being averse to theory. They want action and have no time for reflection. In universities there are fewer students who opt for the social sciences for they do not get one a job. Such pressure has compelled the re-invention of more market-friendly syllabi in the social sciences.

The meaning of theory itself has changed. A good example is ‘theory for computer programs’ taught in schools and institutes. It refers to a list of terms and procedures to run the program and there is no space for asking the why how and what. Here theory itself has become the instrument.

In social sciences, theory is more often than not envisaged as the lens or the frame (legal, conceptual, experiential, religious…) through and within which we see the world. In the first instance, the world appears either smaller (as if viewed through a convex lens) or larger (seen through the concave) than what it is. In the case of theory being the frame, the world is viewed with the terms of reference specified by the task to be accomplished. In both instances, theory is the ally of fragmentation and encourages the exclusion of critical voices of people from diverse experiences and plural cultures.

The neoliberal economy has converted theory into an instrumentality for manufacturing consent.

Army recruitment through text books/Shrinking theoretical spaces

An instance of the mindless neoliberal economic regime is advertisements for recruitment to the Army in school textbooks.

The National Council for Education Research and Training (NCERT), on the recommendation of a parliamentary committee, has given a part of the textbook space to the Army. It has granted permission to the Indian Army to advertise in five textbooks – creative writing and translation, computer and communication technology, human ecology and family sciences, Indian Heritage and Crafts and Graphic Design.

 

newsclipping

 

This news of March 18, 2009, in the Indian Express underscores the partnership among the army, the NCERT and the state. It is not coincidental that an advertisement from the Army is included in textbooks. This decision emanates from an ideological assumption that is integral to the core of the neoliberal regime. The Army is the foundational sector of the economy, not only is it expected to defend civic space it also is at the apex of the innovation chain from where technology trickles down to civil society and transforms its character.

What brings them together? What do the state, education and the market share? What is common between the military and the NCERT? What implications does this partnership have for the future of creative writing, the rules of translation, the form and content for computer, communication and technology, the guidelines for human ecology and family sciences, Indian heritage and crafts, and graphic design?

The army and the education system are contraries.

The army is grounded in no tolerance for questioning and education is grounded in no restraint on questioning.

How different is this positioning of a recruitment advertisement in textbook from recruitment of child soldiers?

In this advertisement, the state and the NCERT have legitimised a genocidal disposition: “to catch them young” before they begin to disagree and question, and instill in them a sense of ‘pride and honor’ that comes from unquestioning respect for authority and unquestioned faith in the superiors, from killing innocent people and not be tried in the court of justice, for destroying ecology, for escalating the arms race and contributing to the criminalisation of everyday life.

According to anthropologists, the genocidal disposition exaggerates (the vision of concave lens) and underplays (the vision of convex lens) differences and arranges them as binaries.  For instance, modernity is projected as larger than life and the panacea for all problems; the only way to freedom, fraternity and well-being. Its binary opposite, tradition, is ridiculed and made to appear small. The most lethal aspect of these binaries is that they cannot be co-present – it is either one or the other.Some of these genocidal binaries are as follows:

modernity-tradition; civilisation-savagery; us-them; centre-margin; humanity-barbarity; progress-degeneration; advanced-backward; developed-underdeveloped;  adult-childlike; nurturing-dependent; normal-abnormal; subject-object; human-sub-human; reason-passion; culture-nature; male-female; mind-body; objective-subjective; knowledge-ignorance; science- magic; truth-superstition; master-slave; good-evil; moral-sinful; believer-pagans; pure-impure; order-disorder; law-uncontrolled; justice-arbitrariness; active-passive; wealthy-poor; nation-states- non-state processes; strong-weak; dominant-subordinate; conqueror-conquered (1)

Genocide is the most malignant form of militarisation, for it takes pride in brutalising life – mass killings in the name of human rights. It begins with learning to be proud of using weapons. It is not so easy to shoot the bullet that will kill – not until ones kills a person does the sense of pride settles in.

It is also constitutive of the neoliberal economy. The pride of the neoliberal economy is its vast military-industrial complex. There are a large number of studies that show how the neoliberal economy is a military-industrial complex that has its origin in the post-war (World War I and II) reconstruction effort.

Speed has been the core of neoliberal economy. Fredrick Winslow Taylor its hero.

The salient features of the economy today are as follows:

The rate of extracting natural resources is several times faster than the rate at which nature can reproduce them. Thus this economy has destroyed nature’s capacity to regenerate. There is depletion of water, climate change, pollution, destruction of the natural base for people’s livelihood…. It has created a condition of technological obsolescent waste.

Militarisation is necessary to sustain this economy. It refers to training to follow without question, the line of command from the superiors to the juniors. This, it has been argued, is necessary for ensuring security and safe keeping of resources held under monopolies. Further, the conflicts this economy produces from competition for monopoly necessitates military intervention.

Learning Demilitarisation and Restoration of citizenship

Militarisation of education undermines citizenship. The militarised disposition annihilates our sense of studentship and what is learnable. And that, in turn, undermines the core of citizenship.

In this way, critical voices are rendered silent, public spaces become inaccessible to a diversity of people, bi-lingualism declines, and plural ways of knowing are destroyed.

Militarisation uproots diversity of cultures from their nurturing grounds to create space for installations of weaponry, to mine mineral resources, to construct industrial zone and so on. Many cultures are forced to exist in ‘coma’, paralysed by the proximity of military cantonments, several others are customised for ornamental display before foreign dignitaries, and several are tailored by designers’ consumerism. Most important of all, culturally diverse people who resist mining, refuse to be paralysed, decline becoming ornamentations before foreign dignitaries and hold a mirror to the dreadful face of modernity are silenced.

The learnable in critical voices is studentship to disarming the mind of the genocidal of terms, categories and principles. This is critical to demilitarisation of the economy and citizenship.

Experience and the learnable

Experience is learning of that which is learnable and to let go of the rest.

The most original notion of ‘the learnable’, knowable from stories of origin across diverse cultures and from contemporary works in philosophy, has as its impulse the ‘call’ to dispel the darkness of lies, falsehood, untruth and deception, and the ‘yearning’ for ‘light’.

It is a call for immersion, for radical insistence, of identification, for listening, and, in contemporary works of philosophy, bringing forth the light from within the ‘sacred word’. Common to each of these ways is ‘letting go’. Without letting go, the learnable is out of reach. Experience tells us of the “rest that needs to be let gone of”.

There is a yearning for clarity on what ‘to let go of’. That is constitutive of the foundational element of our being in the world. Such yearning becomes a pursuit of the ‘learnable’.  This is constitutive of studentship as a call to being-in-pursuit.

Letting go and the learnable

What can we learn from different cultures concerning genocide and the learnable? Genocide is more than the massacre of people – it destroys the foundational element of being-in-the-world – it leaves no ground for the pursuit of the “learnable”.

From discussions on this subject we know that genocide is totalising. It has been pointed out that this is the final statement of modernity about itself. At its best and worst, modernity offers nothing other than instruments of mass destruction of nature and culture. In generates an ‘unstoppable vicious cycle’ of violence reproducing violence that at rapid speed draws everyone in. It pushes the victim who in turn becomes the perpetrator in the name of justice – an eye for an eye and tooth for a tooth. The distinction between the perpetrator and the victim gets obliterated and there remains no one who is not part of the vicious cycle and can thus be the judge. This impossibility of justice is a foundational crisis. It is the loss of humanity, of faith and of the ground for the pursuit of the learnable.

How have cultures responded to similar occasions in history?

Here are some examples that show the learnable.

Studentship

The sabad is the sacred word of the Guru Granth Sahib, the holy book of the Sikhs that was compiled for a people who were being mercilessly brutalised. This picture illustrates that brutalisation.

 

brutalisation

 

The museum at the Golden Temple in Amritsar has several paintings that show the brutality of the rulers. The gurus, literally the teachers, compiled the Granth Sahib in such times.

The verses in the Granth call upon the gathering (sangat) to contemplate the sabad and learn from it compassion, sharing and offering of the self in the service of the other. It emphasises that a gathering of people that contemplates sabad issatsang: companionship of people who yearn to receive the truth that comes forth from the sabad.

There is no hate speech; there is no prompting for justice in the form of ‘eye for an eye and tooth for a tooth’.

The fifth guru, Arjan Dev, who compiled the Granth, was tortured to death. He was made to sit on a hot plate and hot sand was poured over him. In such moment of pain and suffering he smiled and contemplated the sabad.

The sixth guru, Hargobind, after having fought a bloody war with the Muslims conferred with his sangat and came to the conclusion that a mosque be constructed to bring a final end to the violence and counter-violence between the two communities. To make it Vishwakarma, the Hindu divinity for architecture, came in human form. This heritage stands in Guru Hargobingpur and is looked after by Sikhs, who welcome any Muslim who comes to pray.

The sixth guru picked up the sword, there was war without hate speech. There was no animosity but instead there was the effort dissolve the ‘other’ by making it an integral aspect of the ‘self’ and this came close the notion of the ‘One’ that was core of the sabad.

The ninth guru, Tegbahadur, stood-up against the rulers to create a safe space for the Kashmiri Pundits, who were not being allowed to follow the path of their ‘faith’. He was beheaded.

The tenth guru, Gobind Singh, proud of his father decided to free the text of fickleness of human interpretations. Thus thesabad became the guru. And he said, “Guru appe chela“, literally a teacher is himself a student. In relation to the sacred word these words say studentship is learning to receive the light embedded in the sabad. This ‘learnable’ came forth in the light of his life experience of several wars, the beheading of his father for defending the rights of Kashmiri pundits.

This ‘let go of’ teacher and dissolved the authority of the teacher over the text into the text. That cleared the ground for the diversity of people to come to the text and be ‘received by it’ and ‘receive it in turn’. The learning to receive is the ‘learnable’ – to receive the ‘other’ and become ‘One’ with it.

To ‘let go’ in this instance of the authority of the teacher over the text, is a radical insistence and at the same time an immersion and an identification with the One. This is an aspect of dynamic studentship – to be one’s own teacher -that is learning on one’s own.

Ekalavya- Learning to receive

This is a story from Mahabharata.

Dronacharya the guru for archery refused to teach Eklavya, the son of Hiranyadhanu, the king of Nishaad, because he was not a Kshatriya.

Eklavya went to the forest and made with his hands a figure of Drona out of mud.

He called him his guru. Daily he would pay respect to this image of his guru and practise archery.

One day Eklavya sealed the mouth of a dog with his seven arrows. The dog could not open his mouth and ran back to where Dronacharya and Arjun had camped.

Everyone was surprised by this amazing skill in archery.

While searching for this archer, they found Eklavya practicing, who confirmed he had sealed the dog’s mouth.

Dronacharya was curious to know who the boy was and where did he learn archery.

Eklavya told Dronacharya his name and of his father Nishaadraaj Hiranyadhanu (an army chief in Jaraasandh’s army).

Eklavya reminded Drona how he had declined to teach him. He showed Dronacharya his (Dronacharya’s) statue.

Eklavya told him how he learnt archery in the presence of this image. Dronacharya was surprised.

Dronacharya loved Arjun and he wanted him to be the best archer. He thus asked Eklavya to give his right hand thumb by way of guru dakshina (a tribute given to the teacher).

Eklavya without any hesitation picked up a knife and cut his right thumb and offered it to his ‘guru’.

There are at least three important events in this story.

First, the teacher’s (Dronachraya’s) refusal to teach Eklavya.

Second, Eklavya’s self learning: making the mud image of his teacher, learning in the ‘presence of the image’, and becoming a master.

Third, Dronacharya demanding his tribute and Eklavya giving it without a word of protest.

Dronachraya’s refusal to accept Eklavya as his student is an assertion of the teacher’s authority over the subject. It is also an example of a mode of non-inclusive learning process.

Eklavya’s making the mud image of his teacher is an assertion that ‘the person’ in flesh and blood is not necessary for learning. In fact, the image opens up the possibility for self-learning. Later, when Dronayacharya appears in person he only proves Eklavya’s point. The person of the teacher is not only unnecessary it is, in fact, harmful. The person of the teacher can be overbearing, it takes away from the student the most crucial condition for learning: the freedom to experiment and explore (the thumb in this case).

Eklavya includes himself in the learning process. The making of the image undermines the teacher’s claim to authority on the subject.

The ‘image’ of the teacher is, in fact, better than the teacher himself.

Who then is the teacher? Who is it one learns from?

What is the interplay between the image and the person in the making of dynamic studentship?

Eklavya is an example of dynamic studentship.

He is ready to receive and this yearning springs forth from an inner calling to learn. The refusal does not undermine either the yearning or the calling. The giving of the thumb further underlines the preparedness to ‘receive’ teachings unconditionally, as an important element of dynamic studentship. The giving of the thumb is an acknowledgement of the worthiness of learning as well as recognition of the source from whence it comes forth. This is integral to ‘receiving’.

Any reservation or conditionality would make learning incomplete or even impossible. The giving of the thumb undermines the intention with which it was asked, namely to destroy it. It is said that the people of Eklavya’s community continued to use the bow without using the right thumb.

That which is learnable stays, and is not conditional to circumstance.

The dynamic studentship demonstrated by Eklavya opens the question about how did he learn to become better than Arjun? What is it that he learnt that made him better?

The arrow released by Eklavya did not kill the dog but prevented it from barking. The skill here is not just accuracy or precision but the ‘belonging’ of the arrow to the intention of the one who releases.  This is a demonstration of knowledge that belongs to itself, and this is what constitutes the learnable. Unlike the arrow in “time flies like an arrow” this arrow goes no further than to the time and space (embedded in the intention of the one who releases) to which it belongs.

Eklavya did not have to become (Arjun or a Kashtriya) someone other than himself in order to learn.

He began from wherever he was and whatever he knew. How did he proceed thereafter? There is nothing that can be learnt about this from the text.

What can be inferred is that he worked out a relation of learning between himself, the bow and the arrow, and the image of the guru. With the yearning to ‘receive’ and the ‘calling’ to be not deterred from this, as the heart and mind of this learning-relation, the bow and the arrow were receiving Eklavya as much as Eklavya was receiving the bow and the arrow. In other words, they learnt to listen to each other and in time learnt to belong to each other.

Socrates and the Sophist (2)

A sophist on his return from Asia met Socrates on the street. There began a conversation between them:

Sophist: Are you still standing there and still saying the same thing about the same things.

Socrates: Yes that I am. But you are so extremely smart, you say never the same thing about the same thing.

The learnable is between “never saying the same thing about the same thing to saying the same thing about the same thing”. It is the yearning and calling for truth-telling.

The sophist may not be incorrect, for there are so many different facets to the same thing across time and space. What is required is the yearning to learn that which is the same about the same thing across time and space. This is learnable about the ‘thing’. Socrates seems to suggest that it is common sense to wonder why the same thing does have the same things told about it.

Self grounding – Saying same things about same things

We can learn about this from Heidegger’s writings and his life (3).

He attempts to show that the learnable is beyond the factual, the experimental and the measurable. By ‘beyond’ is meant that the ‘learnable’ is not determined by any of these three concerns of science, and at the same time in its absence, the notion of the ‘learnable’ science is no longer ‘discovering research’.

This is perhaps when science becomes the slave of politicians and finance capital.

What does Heidegger have to say about the “learnable”.

That it is mathematical.

“The word ‘mathematical’ stems from the Greek expression ta mathemata, which means what can be learned and thus, at the same time, what can be taught; manthanein means to learn, mathesis the teaching, and thus in two-fold sense. First, it means studying and learning; then it means the doctrine taught.

“Learning is a kind of grasping and appropriating. But not every taking is a learning…to take means in some way to take possession of a thing and have the disposal over it. Now, what kind of taking is learning…? The mathemata are the things insofar as we take  cognizance of things as what we already know them to be in advance – the body as body like, the plant as plant like, the thingness of a thing…it is an extremely particular taking, a taking where he who takes only takes what he basically already has…. The student is merely instructed to take for himself what he already has. If a student merely takes over all that is offered he does not learn. He comes to learn only when he experiences what he takes as something he himself really already has. True learning occurs only where the taking of what one already has is a self-giving and is experienced as such. Teaching, therefore, does not mean anything else than to let others learn, that is, bring one another to learning. Teaching is more difficult than learning; for only he who can truly learn – and only as long as he can do it – can truly teach.”

What is it that we already have and how do we take it as self giving?

“We see three chairs and say that there are three chairs…. We can count three only if we already know three. What we take cognizance of (number three) is not drawn from any of the things….”

The question is what is the relation between experience and science? What does learning from experience mean?

Heidegger seeks to elaborate the point by discussing Newton’s axiom “Every body left to itself uniformly moves in a straight line (p 262).”

This law is at the apex of modern science.

“Where do we find it? There is no such body. There is no experiment which could ever bring such a body to direct perception…This law speaks of a thing that does not exist. It demands a fundamental representation of things which contradicts the ordinary… (p 265).”

What we learn is that the law is freed from the bindings of experience. Heidegger learns this from Galileo’s experiment.

“It becomes a decisive insight of Galileo that all bodies fall equally fast, and that the difference in the time of fall derives only from the resistance of air, not from the different inner natures of the bodies or from their own corresponding relation to their particular place. Galileo supposedly conducted this experiment from the Leaning Tower of Pisa, the city where he was professor of mathematics, in order to prove his statement. In his experiment, bodies of different weights did not arrive at the same time after having fallen from the tower, but the difference in time was slight. Inspite of these differences and, therefore, really against the evidence of experience, Galileo held his proposition…. Opposition towards Galileo increased…he had to give up his professorship and leave Pisa.”

Heidegger tells us that Galileo freed knowledge from revelation as well as from experience. He showed the “self-grounding of the form of knowledge as such…. There is new experience and formation of freedom itself, i.e., binding with obligations that are self imposed…an inner drive to establish its own essence as the ground of itself and thus of all knowledge (p 272).”

How did Galileo learn? Heidegger says “…by taking the knowledge itself from out of himself. Galileo says: “I think in my mind of something moveable that is left entirely to itself…. This “to think in the mind is taking knowledge itself from out of himself (p 266-67).”

Heidegger argues that the use of reason enables the ‘I’ to take knowledge from out of one’s self.

Experience and experiment

Each of these instances of learning as self-giving, is an experiment with immersion, radical insistence, identification (as elements of pursuit and as modes of self-giving) that draw out knowledge from the experience(s) of what we already know. This knowledge (that comes forth by means of immersion, radical insistence and identification) is also independent of experience and is its basis.

The Sikh tradition (Guru Arjun Dev, Guru Tegbahadur and Guru Gobind Singh) shows that contemplation is immersion, radical insistence and identification with the sabad that draws out the knowledge (of the sabad) that is self-grounding. It needs nothing outside itself to be validated.

Eklavya similarly shows immersion, radical insistence and identification with image of his guru. In a similar manner, Galileo demonstrates immersion, radical insistence and identification with ‘the mathematical’ when he stands by his principle of falling bodies.

However, what each one has to let go of is different – the Sikh gurus had to let go of their lives; Eklavya had to let go of his thumb and Galileo had to let go of his professorship and later towards the end of his life was forced to recant his views and was forced to live in house arrest. Heidegger, who brings us the insight into the self-giving becoming of beings in this world, supported Hitler and in ways more than one set himself apart from his own ‘I think’.

A mode of drawing out from within is simultaneously ‘the letting go’ of the ‘I’.

The experiment is about when does the letting go become a ‘self giving’ of ‘self-grounded knowledge’.  How ‘that knowledge that is self grounded’ becomes available in a lifetime.

To what extent Galileo and Heidegger gifted to themselves ‘self-grounded knowledge’. To the extent they let go of the ‘I’, and released from its bondage shifted to self-binding freedom that belongs to ‘self-grounded knowledge’ (and not the ‘I’). They were not fully released from the ‘I’ and did not, therefore, belong to the ‘self-grounded knowledge’.

In contrast, the Sikh Gurus and Eklavya were fully released from the ‘I’ and wholly belonged to ‘self-grounded knowledge’. They are exemplars of ‘studentship’. In other words, self-grounded knowledge can be accessed and made available in the lifetime of the student when he belongs to self-grounded knowledge and this is possible when he lets go of the ‘I’.

Towards intellectual self reliance – decommissioning neoliberal education

How can mindlessness of the increasing technological lag – far behind the aspirations of the frontier people – promoted by the neoliberal education be decommissioned?

Earlier in this discussion, the inclusion of people’s voices required a consideration of ‘what is learnable’ because what is being learnt from neoliberal knowledge has been responsible for a series of disasters, one bigger than the other.

In the previous sections the discussions on what is learnable shows that all learning is about ways of bring forth what we already know.

This can help us understand the lag between technology and people’s aspirations.

It would be entirely erroneous to say that there is more need for technology to fill in this lag. For, more technology will only let their voices go unheard and would thus contribute to the lag making it even wider.

The lag draws us out to consider ‘listening’ to the voices of people. What are they all saying – what is learnable is to come from within; learning what we already know; finding ways to bring forth what we already know. This is not just questioning the neoliberal monopoly of knowledge and undermining monopoly over neoliberal knowledge.

Most importantly, it is saying that all learning of what we already know yearns to intellectual self-reliance. All attempts of studentship to belong to self-grounded knowledge are towards intellectual self-reliance.

What we experience in the ordinary day to day life is where learning starts. Learning to listen is the key to bring forth knowledge from within. Not all that can be heard can be retained nor can all of it be ‘letting go’. To be able to differentiate what needs to be let gone of,  immersion, radical insistence, identification will reach out to what does not need to be let gone of.

The diversity of voices and plural knowledge-systems that are being pushed out of the public domain by the neoliberal education system is a recipe for disaster. It is becoming very difficult to know how to get out of this system or how to live with it. This is deception-democracy that is limited to inclusive participation. More often than not inclusiveness has legitimised undemocratic practices.

Participation is not sufficient for democracy. Only if participation enables truth telling can democracy be viable and citizenship be restored. This seems to be a step in the direction of mindfulness of the ‘lag’. It is important to note here that this lag encourages deception and lies.

Truth telling dispels deception. What is knowable in this context can be known by ‘truth telling’. What is learnable is truth telling. Truth telling brings forth what is already known. Truth telling can begin from the experiences of everyday life.

Studentship for Truth telling: what is learnable in truth telling?

How is studentship of truth telling possible?

What curriculum and modes of its transaction need to put in place? This is important for it will determine the contours of the education system. This includes design of the infrastructure – the size and shape of classrooms, the looks of the building, the library, the student-faculty-administration interface, the equipment and so on.

What is the nature of curriculum space and what goes into its making?

Intellectual self-reliance is how truth telling can be learnt. In the absence of intellectual self-reliance truth telling is impossible. What can be the curriculum for this?

Based on the discussion so far the key principles of the curriculum are ‘learning as self-giving’; listening (includes immersion, radical insistence and identification) as ways of bringing forth that which is already known (this is self-grounding of knowledge); and letting go of the “I”.

What can we learn regarding truth telling from our exemplars, discussed earlier?

As regards learning as self-giving we learn from the Sikh gurus that this is possible when the text is free from the authority of the teacher and the “word” is accessible to all. This is possible when a teacher himself lets go of his authority. This allows for the student to be one’s own teacher.

With respect to teacher’s readiness to let go of authority over the text, we learn from the Eklavya tale that not all teachers are ready to do that.  But learning can even then become self-giving. With due deference, the student lets go of the personhood of the teacher. The importance of the ‘image’ of the teacher is crucial to the ‘self-giving’. Image here refers to the teacher within one’s own self. It demonstrates that the role of a teacher is not to offer but to enable recognition of the teacher within.

Without the letting go of the ‘I’, self-giving is not possible. So, self–giving can often strengthen the ‘I’ – ‘It is ‘I’ who learnt by myself”. Until such time that the ‘I’ is let gone of, it is not clear whether the student has learnt the learnable – that self-grounding of knowledge. The letting go one’s own being in the world is the most profound letting go of the ‘I’ (the examples of Sikh gurus). There are other ways of letting go of the ‘I’ – the willingness to let go of the institutional definition of the ‘I’. Galileo giving up his professorship did not disprove the principle he stood by.

The question, however, is does Heidegger’s support for Hitler undo his work as a philosopher and his radical thought? Is support an unwillingness to let go of his ‘I’? Is it also a reflection of the state not willing to let ‘learning as self-giving’ be legitimised within its own institutional structures’.

The curriculum for truth telling is continuously challenging boundaries, not letting them fructify.

Can neoliberal educational institutions be transformed to facilitate truth telling?

Over the past few decades there have been several attempts at truth telling. Each of these has experimented with institutional ways to listen to the truth. What are the implications of these for the education system?

The neoliberal destructions are appropriately described as ecocide and ethnocide. There is now a growing concern over making development processes transparent and accountable.

This is in fact an expression of the yearning for truth telling.

This yearning has now legitimised social audits, environmental audits, public hearings, truth commissions and world social fora. In each of these there is space for truth telling.

There are now in place systems for exercise of human rights, right to information and work along with systems of transitional justice.

There are efforts to establish peace zones across the globe.

Simultaneously there have evolved, in keeping with requirements of truth telling, open learning systems, free university, basic education, experiential learning, concern for resilience and non-reductionist knowledge.

These have been preparing the ground to go beyond the neoliberal education system.

Savyasaachi is Associate Professor in Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi

Notes

(1) Alexander Laban Hinton. 2002. Annihilating Differences -The Anthropology of Genocide, University of California Press, and Berkeley Ch 1.

(2) This conversation has been taken from Martin Heidegger, “Modern Science, Metaphysics and Mathematics” in David Farrell Krell(ed).1978. Matrin Heidegger: Basic writings, London, Routledge &Kegan Paul.

(3) The quotes in this section are from Ibid.

Unemployment as a choice

Deepankar Basu

“So, if you are not employed by the financial industry (94 percent of you are not), don’t worry. The current unemployment rate of 6.1 percent is not alarming, and we should reconsider whether it is worth it to spend $700 billion to bring it down to 5.9 percent.”

That was Casey B. Mulligan, Professor of Economics at the University of Chicago, writing in the New York Times on October 09, 2008 about what he then considered to be a robust economy. The official unemployment rate for the economy that Professor Mulligan was writing about, the U.S. economy, steadily climbed since he shared his wisdom with the world; according to the latest figures released by the U.S. Bureau of Labour Statistics, the official unemployment rate stood at 9.8 percent in September 2009. Despite the best wishes of Professor Mulligan and his colleagues at the University of Chicago, the unemployment rate has decided to move in the opposite direction. According to all sensible estimates, it will cross 10 percent by the end of 2009 and stay close to that figure for the next year. Even this high figure for the official unemployment rate does not capture the true degree of labour under-utilization currently afflicting the U.S. economy. A more comprehensive measure of labour under-utilization that takes account of discouraged workers who have dropped out of the labour force and part-time workers who are searching for full-time employment stands at 17 percent!

What is of course interesting is that the school of macroeconomics popularised by Professor Mulligan’s distinguished colleagues at the University of Chicago and elsewhere known as the Real Business Cycle (RBC) view of macroeconomics does not even recognize existence of unemployment. In case you have missed that, let me state it again: for the RBC view of macroeconomics, unemployment, as we understand that term, is a fiction; it does not exist. So, how does this strand of macroeconomics view the fluctuations of employment that goes with the typical business cycle? Here is the story they tell.

Every worker derives “utility” (don’t ask what that means) both from consumption and leisure. Now, to finance consumption expenditures, she must work because that is how she can earn her wage income. By working, of course, the worker gives up precious leisure and so experiences dis-utility (again, don’t ask what that means or how it can be measured). It is, therefore, the balancing of the extra – marginal in the language of economists – utility derived from the next unit of consumption and the dis-utility associated with giving up that last bit of leisure that determines whether the worker wants to work or not and for how many hours a week (say).

But the worker, as every other agent in the RBC models, are endowed with enormous computing powers; they not only look at the present, they also peer into the depths of the infinite future. It is thus that the balancing of marginal utility and dis-utility takes on an inter-temporal dimension. Depending on the changing incentives to work in different time periods, the worker decides how much labour to supply, i.e., how many hours she wishes to work. The level of employment, and by definition unemployment, is therefore, in the RBC view, driven by changes in the incentives to work; employment is a choice that workers make. There is no unemployment, only equilibrium fluctuation of employment chosen by workers inter-temporally balancing the marginal utility of consumption against the dis-utility of work. According to this view, then, unemployment occurs because workers decide not to take up the offers they get, i.e., when unemployment is observed it is because the workers choose to remain unemployed.

There is a hidden assumption here: enough jobs are available to workers, in the first place, to choose from. What if enough jobs are not available? How will workers then choose from jobs that are not even available? Would it then still be possible to claim that fluctuations in unemployment are merely the result of inter-temporal optimization exercises on the part of workers balancing marginal utility of consumption against the dis-utility of work. Evidently not. So, how would we test whether the RBC view of unemployment is borne out by facts? If unemployment is “chosen” by workers, as the RBC view claims, then the number of job seekers and job openings should not deviate too much from each other and certainly not for prolonged periods of time; if, on the other hand, unemployment is forced on workers by the hiring decisions of capitalists, the the ratio of job seekers to job openings should increase secularly during recessions. What does the evidence in this regard show?

The Chart plots, for the U.S. economy, the ratio of (a) number of job seekers, and (b) the number of job openings. In December 2000, the ratio was close to 1; thus, in December 2000, every worker looking for a job had, on average, a job available. In December 2007, when the Great Recession started, the ratio stood at 1.7, i.e., on average, every job opening had 1.7 job seekers. As the recession progresses, the ratio climbed steadily and by August 2009, it stood at 6.3. Hence, in August 2009, every job opening had, on average, about 6.3 job seekers. Thus, the ratio continually increased for 20 months, and will possibly continue to do so for the next few months. What do you say, isn’t that evidence in support of the RBC view?